dimanche 23 mars 2014

Uganda: Idi Amin Dada or the evil genius of Africa* .

 
The ogre who swallowed my grandmother!

         Before falling asleep, my two year old son loved that I told him one story: Little Red Riding Hood
by Charles Perrault. He could not close his eyes before I repeat him each night, the episode of the woodcutter with his ax extracted living grandmother from the bloody belly of the wicked wolf. He then told me sucking his chips, with an almost inaudible voice: "Good night Daddy". It was his way of exorcising his baby nightmares!

         When I was a teenager, my ogre to me was called Idi Amin Dada, head of Uganda. When he was ousted on May 11, 1979, he became my nightmare, while he was living in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. With petrodollars, the Arabs could replace him in power. At his death, on August 16, 2003, the world pretended to forget, especially to clear their own mistakes for hosting, protect and especially helped to slaughter his people with impunity.
         Nobody imagine such a monster will never be judged to extend my nightmare. A court somewhere should try such monsters even after their death was only for that never happens anywhere in the world. Every year books are published on the subject, movies realized, but no author, no organization, nobody in the World demand for justice for the descendants of his 300,000 victims can finally grieve and heal the gaping wounds still open.
         And especially my nightmare can finally stop haunting me. As my son of two years, I need the mighty lumberjack retrieve my grandmother from the belly of bad ogre so I can finally sleep in peace.
That is why I have reproduced verbatim the excellent article by Michel Faure, which serves as an epitaph to the "Ugandan Monster".

The Ugandan Monster is dead, but where is Human Justice!

        
Died on August 16, 2003, the former master of Kampala was uneducated, brutal and cruel. His antics amused abroad, but from 1971 to 1979, his reign has left tens of thousands of victims. Story of a tyrant
         Uganda, the "Pearl of Africa" ​​of Winston Churchill was in the 1970s, a lost paradise ruled by the devil. This devil called Idi Amin Dada, a giant crude and instinctive, brutal and cunning. Malin, in every sense of the word. He was neither crazy nor stupid, or at least he was smart enough to know how his madness instrument of his power. He lasted from 21 January 1971 to 10 April 1979. The number of his victims is generally estimated at between 150.000 and 300.000 people.

"I have no remorse … Just a bit of Nostalgia"

        
Many were tortured, blown up in a group, or killed with clubs, their bodies thrown to the crocodiles of the Nile, their remains cumbersome turbines of Owen Falls hydroelectric dam or burned in the savannah, or left to the vultures. Other unfortunates were executed publicly  covered with a white apron for the blood is thus better visible. Others, again, held his head under water to drown, or suffocated by their sexes cut deep in their throats, or crushed by tanks inside the barracks. Idi Amin Dada, in turn, has died. It was August 16. He was in a bed surrounded by his family after a long and comfortable exile at Jeddah, in Saudi Arabia, under the protection of a feudal system that has allowed him not to answer for his crimes before the law of men. It is not sure whether he feared that God, which he said he was a believer. "I have no remorse, he said, there a few years ago, in a rare interview. Just nostalgia".
        
The charm and comedy, home, often accompanied horror and have magnified. Abroad, he entertained a lot, when he wanted his "brother Richard Nixon" a speedy recovery of Watergate, he said, a day of Easter, Christ was crucified by "Zionist murderers", or that he sent a telegram to Lord Snowdon declaring that his separation with Princess Margaret of England was  “a lesson to all men, because you should never marry a woman over her condition".

A buffoon for foreigners, a nightmare for many Ugandans.

        
Many were those who saw him as a buffoon, or rejoiced that personnifiât so zealously their racist, and they understood none of this bastard child of two worlds for long irreconcilable-Africa and West. He also laugh those who saw him that he was also: the avenger, inventive and brilliant, colonial past humiliations, when he was carried in a litter by four white men at a reception for leaders of all continent at the summit of the Organization of African Unity (O.A.U.) in 1975, or he did kneel at his feet, about the same time, some British citizens who swore to be ready to fight under his orders to liberate South Africa from the imperialist yoke.
        
In Uganda, however, he did make anyone laugh. His compatriots at the time about 10 million people, lived in his terror and his terrible incompetence in daily fear for their lives and difficulties of every day face the rout of his "economic war." He said it , on August 5, 1974, after a dream in which God told him to do, he says in many speeches. He decreed upon waking expulsion under ninety days, some 40,000 Indians and Pakistanis, who controlled much of the trade of the country.

"Kill me if 're not happy with me"

        
Amin was a tragic figure in a volatile time. He made his political fantasies and nightmares a reality, the universe of beliefs and signs gradually lost its meaning became simple disorder in contact with the rational order of European imperialism. All Ugandans, attentive to the mysteries of dreams, the injunctions of superstition, had guessed and feared dictator also why. Sensitive to the strange logic of the irrational, they knew that their new master came from a world where magic still plays a big role, and he was not afraid of death because he had a another dream, in 1952, who had taught him how and when he died. Therefore, he said,"all attempts to assassinate me are vain". In March 1974, after having subdued a rebellion in a barracks near Kampala, he launched the soldiers this strange challenge: "Kill me if 're not happy with me". Nobody, of course, did not dare tempt fate and touch him and then decreed that "master of all the beasts of the earth and the fish of the sea and conqueror of the British Empire in Africa in general and Uganda in particular".

Kakwa father absent, witch mother Lugbara.

        
He was born between 1925 and 1928 - it is unclear the date of his birth -in Koboko district, a region of the West Nile, close to the former Zaire and Sudan. It is a barren and desolate place of stones on the hills we put to attract rain. Warriors corner before the fighting took a hallucinogenic drug derived from a local plant, a flower called kamiojo. Drink his tea , the "Yakan water" or "water of Allah" was supposed to protect against bullets. The little that is known about the childhood and youth of Amin, we owe the account given by his first biographer, British journalist David Martin, in a remarkable book, “General Amin” (published in London, 1974). Amin was that Ugandans in other regions call a "Nubian", a misnomer, but that means there a type North of Nilotic and generally Muslim origin, very dark skin. His father was a Kakwa and his mother a Lugbara, two neighboring tribes on the west bank of the great river. His mother, was known as a witch, separated from the biological father, when Amin was still a child. It was cause for concern, if not respect. She stood with her son in the region of Lugazi, north of Lake Victoria, where his people, who worked in the sugar cane fields belonging to one of the richest Indian families living in the country, the Metha. Then she moved into a garrison town in Jinja, still on the north shore of the great lake in Africa, where a regiment, the 4th of the King's African Rifles (K.A.R.) stationed. A corporal, Yasefi Yasin became the young lover of the aging witch. When he gave up, he died a few days later, suddenly, a mysterious ailment.

Assistant cook of King's African Rifles … heavyweight boxing champion.

        
This boy, Idi Amin, who comes from a world of fear, mystery, magic, violence, chaos, wandering, joined the King’s African Rifles in 1946 as an assistant cook. Here he suddenly plunged into another world, where the order and certainty, rules and orderly, that of a British colonial regiment. He is well fed, well dressed, walking in step. A good recruit, enthusiastic, and well that undisciplined. He is big and strong, zealous, and he left quickly furnaces to become a true soldier in the 1950s, when he will suppress, without qualms, the Mau Mau in Kenya. He also puts the pitch, around the same time, the Karamojong, a people who live livestock, tall, thin and naked, near the northern border with Kenya. He must disarm. His method is simple: he stand pastors, sex on a table. Amin, armed with a machete, threatening to castrate if they do not reveal their weapons caches. "A splendid chap, a great guy", tell his British officers, "though somewhat limited gray matter, perhaps".
         His supervisor, a Scotsman named Ian Graham, tell he took one day Amin, promoted to officer in a bank in Jinja, so there opens an account. The employee explained at length the young man what it was and the latter, for an hour, was exercised to sign with his name. Then, a little suspicious, he put his pay -13 pounds- on his new account. A few hours later, he had dug a discovered of some 2,000 pounds purchased after, in the main street of the city, a car and a sewing machine, a new suit and a crate of alcohol. He had to be satisfied with difficulty, to make new acquisitions and the bank no longer honored his checks when they were not countersigned by Graham.
        
The good negro uncultivated giant and debonair, is also a sportsman. He becomes heavyweight boxing champion of East Africa, in 1953 and sinking enemy defenses on the rugby field as he was on a battlefield. After the match, however, only black player on the team Rugby Club Nile, there is the door of the bar when the white drink their victory. When he decides, in December 1972, to nationalize British companies in Uganda, Amin include among them the famous Kampala Club, an English fort club inspiration colonial, which will be renamed "Government Club". It will be attended by Nubian mercenaries forming the bodyguard of President.

Gold traffic, ivory and weapons.

        
This is a fragile time and he is still young and already an officer when everything changes around him with decolonization, liberation movements and Africa is one of the strategic issues of the Cold War. Six months before the independence of his country, declared on October 9, 1962, he was a lieutenant, one of only two Black officers in the country. He is accused of massacring an entire village of Turkana-women, children and elderly included -a tribe of Kenya in perpetual war with their "cousins", the Karamojong of Uganda, whose quarrels perpetuate mutual cattle raiding. Britains are embarrassed. They evoke a court martial, but the timing is politically sensitive. They question the future Prime Minister, Milton Obote, a former professor turned nationalist politician, already appointed to govern the independent Uganda -a federation of ancient kingdoms-under the formal authority of an elected president, the king of Buganda, the Kabaka Sir Edward Mutesa II. Obote then suggests a simple reprimand. Despite precautionary British, he will then be Idi Amin's ally. He promoted him major in 1963 and colonel in 1964. He will probably also his partner in a lucrative trade of gold and ivory  military receives in exchange for weapons, from Congolese nationalists, who continue to fight the new Congolese government of Moise Tshombe and Mobutu Sese Seko.

The State of Blood!

        
Amin, in this case, acting under the orders of Obote, who supports the rebels. According to Henry Kyenda, former Secretary of Obote and Amin minister before fleeing in 1977 and write a fascinating book (A State of Blood) on the operation of power in Uganda during the years of madness, the fiery military does not forget his committees and then turns to his advantage the equivalent of $ 1 million. He lays 300.000, blandly at his bank. A close member of the Kabaka’s party “The Kabaka Yekka”, Daudi Ocheng, brandished a day in February 1966, the Parliament, a copy of bank statements and requires investigation. A few days later, on February 22, Obote suspends the Federal Constitution, dismisses the Kabaka himself and assumes the presidency. He arrested five ministers close to the king. Young people erected barricades on the road leading to the royal palace. Amin on the orders of his new president, attack and places the next morning to mortar rounds. The Kabaka fled (he died in exile in London three years later). He will say that thousands of his supporters were killed during the assault. The government concedes the death of 48 people. For Kyemba, the likely balance of 400 dead.

Many Ugandans educated then choose exile.

         Many Ugandans educated then choose exile. Among them, a very pretty woman, Princess Elizabeth Bagaya of Toro which finance his law studies at Cambridge by the model for fashion magazines in London. A few years later, when Obote, the enemy of his family, is finally overthrown by Amin, she returns home. The new president, who is said to be in love with her, soon appointed her Minister of Foreign Affairs. Then she fell into disgrace, probably for having rejected his advances. In November 1974, his former patron accused of having sex with a white man in the toilet from Orly airport, on the occasion of his official visit to France. Then a picture of her beautiful and naked, adorns the front page of the newspaper in the country, the only authorized and very official: The Voice of Uganda, “What a shame!" ton editorial. The young woman managed to flee to Kenya and escapes and probably the fate of his predecessor, Michael Odonga, whose body will be found, dismembered by crocodiles on the banks of Lake Victoria. Or that of a woman of Amin, Kay, whom he divorced in March 1974. Her dismembered body was found in August of the same year, in the trunk of a car.

The Strategic position of Uganda: a lost paradise ruled by the devil!

        
Following the independence of Uganda, British and Israelis have good reason to judge this country of great strategic importance. It is the source of the Nile, south of South Sudanese Christian region at war with the central government, and Islamic Khartoum. It is in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African giant and key player in the Angolan conflict, while unravels the link with Portugal. Their investments are then quite considerable, and they see an evil eye on Obote dirty trick played Kabaka sovereign pro-Western. They also worry speeches increasingly Third World and socializing the Head of State. Both keep foreign powers, however, good relations with Colonel Amin, to the point that we will wonder long about the exact role played by services in the events leading military power.

Two attacks and a coup

         On
December 19, 1969, Obote is the target of a failed attack and Amin, who had become chief of the army, fled his home when soldiers come to the gate of his house in Kololo Hill in Kampala, to warn of events. He later claimed to have also believed to be the object of attack. No. 2 of the army, Brigadier Pierino Okoya publicly accuses Amin of desertion. On 25 January 1970, Okoya and his wife are found dead, shot at close range in the garden of their home. An investigation Amin in his sights. He does not seem to care and continues to recruit and install all the key positions in the army Nubian soldiers, usually Kakwa, which are personally dedicated to him. In September, Obote escaped another attack. Finally he decides to get rid of Amin, but made ​​the mistake, when he was preparing to leave for Singapore, on January 11, 1971, for a summit of the Commonwealth, to require him to submit to him in returning a report explaining the mysterious disappearances of several barracks and weapons justifying that some 2.6 million pounds of the military budget. The instinct of survival of Amin encouraged him to take action during the absence of the Head of State. On January 25, at 15 h 45, Radio Uganda broadcasts the message NCO, Wilfred Aswa announcing in English laborious that the armed forces took power. Thirty minutes later, a second message states that they have asked Colonel Idi Amin to lead the country. Obote returned from Singapore landed in Nairobi, where he is not welcome, then leaves for Dar es Salaam, where his friend, the president of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere offers him asylum.

Eight years of tyranny and public genocide.

        
Then begins a bloody reign in the jubilation of the Baganda rid of their nemesis, Milton Obote. London and Israelis are satisfied and the new strong man of the country is blessed, taking walkabouts almost daily through the streets of Kampala driving a Jeep discovery. His reign will last eight years. It opens with appalling massacres, even within the army, suffered particularly Acholi military, Langi and Itesos traditionally under many flags and believed to be loyal to Obote. Repression conducted by the Nubian killers of the three services to the balance Amin -military police, the State Research Bureau and the Public Safety Unit -will continue for several months and then resume with a vengeance after a failed invasion of faithful of Obote, from Tanzania in September 1972. It will be terrible for Ankole, people southwest of the country, who had the bad idea to welcome with joy the guerrillas of the former president.
         Bloody rituals, even cannibals are mentioned, strangely mutilated corpses. Also referred to heads of enemies killed stored in refrigerators of the dictator, although this has never been confirmed by credible witnesses. In Geneva in 1974, the International Commission of Jurists, an independent NGO, submit a report to the United Nations  estimating between 25,000 and 250,000 the number of people arbitrarily murdered since the coup of January 1971. Eminent personalities are removed, doctors, teachers, clergymen, businessmen, government officials and politicians. Among the first of them, we may mention, in September 1971, Michel Kagwa, a judge presiding the "Industrial Court", which deals with trade disputes, or in September 1972, Bendicto Kiwanuka another senior judge, Attorney General and former minister.

Ineducated tyrant, half illeterate, Chancellor of the Makerere University!

        
A month later, Frank Kalimuzo is murdered. He was Vice-Chancellor of Makerere University, which was long the only university in quality between Cape Town and Khartoum. The prestigious college will soon see the indignity of the uneducated tyrant, half illiterate, dressed in a toga and a large collar, becoming, in 1975, Chancellor of the University and honorary doctorates from the science department policies. The author of these lines, then a young French volunteer in Kampala, attended this grim scene, and not soon forget the humiliation of students forced to receive their diplomas from the hands of the new doctor, or the dull light of the last, under a large velvet beret. It seemed brooding dark thoughts, and we did the same, for a little more than a year in 1975 and during the first months of 1976, watching the agony of a country overwhelmed by fear, by sharing its people a fright every day, a dull, constant anxiety, tempered for few foreigners that we were living in the illusion of immunity issue by a morbid curiosity and fascination towards the unpredictable dictator.

Between the Victoria Cross and the Cross of the Swiss ski.

        
Kampala, then, was a city in the unreal atmosphere that crossed bikers in full dress, perched on large displacement motorcycles Honda, practicing for weeks tirelessly to frame a parade of gleaming Mercedes purchased forecasting future summit of the Organization of African Unity, meeting in the Ugandan capital in July 1975. Amin, for his coup, was promoted to general and proclaimed marshal and president for life. He was awarded an impressive number of medals, including the Victoria Cross and the Military Cross, under military campaigns in Burma he had invented. He always wore, even when he slayed Israel, the parachutist wings he had earned during an internship in this country. And a Swiss association of ski instructors even acknowledged on several photographs of Marshal regalia, among its many charms, the Cross of the Swiss sports that delivered them their organization.
        
Amin saw the future O.A.U. meeting as his apotheosis. He took great care to prepare and multiplied activities to accompany the event. He  was well planned election of "Miss O.A.U." and a car rally, which was to participate Marshal person driving his Citroën-Maserati. Maneuvers military, on the shores of Lake Victoria, supposed to represent the attack of Cape Town, in South Africa, for the pan-African forces commanded by Amin, were also on the agenda. He was actually bomb, under the gaze of African delegates, diplomatic corps and a few guests, a block from the lake, a few tens of meters from the shore where spectators had gathered. Aviation passed dangerously close to the crowd quickly drowned in the smoke of explosions. Idi Amin also took advantage of the summit to marry with great pomp his fifth wife, Sarah Kyoloba, a former dancer of the famous jazz orchestra "suicide mechanized regiment" based in the town of Masaka . His story is tragic enough, because the young woman, aged 18 when Amin set his sights on her, lived at this time with a man whom she had a child in December 1974. Her lover disappeared, probably killed, and Amin claimed the paternity of the baby. Yasser Arafat was one of the witnesses to the marriage.

Yasser Arafat, witness the marriage of Idi Amin & Sarah Kyoloba.

        
During these joyous celebrations, neither milk, eggs or chickens whereabouts or the black market. Nor salt, or certain days of bread, and less drug. Electricity was often cut, rationed gasoline, water pipes leaked, spare parts missing, so that half the fleet of the country, they said, was inoperable. In the bus station in Kampala, buses remained motionless, awaiting repairs. For a few weeks in late 1975, beer production was interrupted because they can replace a German machine shut capsules. The barracks are on the verge of mutiny address this shortage of the preferred drink of soldiers, foreign exchange allocations necessary finally reached the Central Bank at the brewery. Toothpaste or laundry, however, never returned to the empty store shelves, as well as oil, flour and soap. Sugar or coffee, which produced Uganda, were also found and it was not the decree, signed in June 1975, nationalizing all agricultural land, which would fix things.
        
Military who inherited the store took in 1974 expelled the Indians did not take long to exhaust their stocks and did not know how to renew. On the shelves are often lined a single product, waxing or toilet paper, the content of the final boxes still in the back room. One of these new traders, who had been awarded a clothing store, looking at the label sewn into the neck of the shirts, which included the size, and you swore that this was the price that it had to offer. Idi Amin, meanwhile, had little better knowledge of economics. When his finance minister complained one day, during a cabinet meeting, the lack of money in the coffers of the Central Bank, he became angry and ordered him to "print more money". The inflation very quickly became rampant. The dictator, from time to time, visited the central market and was beaten in the street, large sticks, traders who increased their prices.

The Last King of Scotland "Booby bind"

        
The army and its approximately 20,000 men, they lacked nothing. They had sixty helicopters, 14 heavy tanks T 54 Soviet-made, 50 light tanks, nearly a hundred tanks and 6 Mig 21 sold by the Soviet Union. Libya had also provided them with tanks and Mig 17. Love of Scotland, which he proposed one day be king to free them from the yoke "imperialist" of the British Crown (you can read about this very pleasant novel by Giles Foden, The Last King of Scotland) Amin did equip a regiment of Nubians kilts and bagpipes, and made them march through the streets of Kampala, on the occasion of the fourth anniversary of the coup.

"Hitler was a great man and great conqueror".

        
Money now, had Libya or Saudi Arabia because, he was angry with the British and the Israelis. Moshe Dayan, who knew him well, thought he was "mad as a hatter". Muammar al-Gaddafi, who Amin visits in February 1972, so do not judge, and suddenly, the Ugandan dictator operates one of the reversals of alliances the most spectacular in the history of diplomacy. Following his visit to Tripoli, he signed with the Libyan leader a joint statement condemning Israel becomes suddenly both a friend and a loyal Moscow very pious hand to Mecca on pilgrimage, had built a large mosque in Kampala with money from the King Faisal of Saudi Arabia. He expels Israelis from Uganda in March  and offers them abandoned embassy Palestinian PLO representatives, to whom he granted diplomatic status. He bans miniskirts and wigs for girls. He finally made some public statements to sing the praises of Adolf Hitler "a great man and a great conqueror" who had "acted correctly", he said, killing 6 million Jews.
        
Israel was not the only victim of this diplomatic volte-face. Britain also made ​​fresh, and the British community living in Uganda (about a thousand people ) was virtually taken hostage when a 61 year old English teacher, installed for many years in Uganda, Dennis Hill, was arrested on 1 April 1975. He was accused of high treason and sentenced to death by a military court. He was accused of writing a book, “White pumpkin”, which had not yet been published, in which he treated Amin "village tyrant". The date of his execution was fixed for June 23, and Marshal announced that he would agree to discuss possible through with the Defence Ministers of Foreign Affairs or the queen, provided that they come to Kampala and accept his demands, the list was long. The Somali dictator, Mohamed Siad Barre, chairman of the O.A.U., then threatens to cancel the Kampala summit if Dennis Hills is executed. The Zairian Mobutu Sese Seko offers his mediation and English writer finally delivered on 10 July, to James Callaghan, British Foreign Secretary, who made the humiliating trip to Kampala.

The leak "fascist black "

        
The beginning of the end of the reign of Amin dates back to June 27, 1976, when seven pirates, two of whom are members of the German Baader-Meinhof group, away to Uganda Entebbe airport a aviond'Air France, connecting Tel Aviv to Paris. Amin treats them as if they were personal friends, and on July 4th, Israeli commandos freed 102 hostages, kill all the hijackers and destroyed through 8 Mig Ugandan military aviation. In response, Marshal murdered an elderly lady of 73 years, Dora Bloch, a hostage who had left the hijacked plane in Entebbe Kampala to be hospitalized in Murago hospital after collapsing. In 1978, Amin chose the headlong rush and sent his troops to attack a Tanzanian enclave in Ugandan territory, Kagera, west of Lake Victoria. Early 1979, they are dislodged by the joint forces of Tanzanian troops and Ugandan exiles. Despite the support of Libyan troops, Ugandans can not stop their offensive against. On April 12, 1979, Kampala grave, and Amin fled first to Libya, then Iraq and finally Saudi Arabia. Soon, Milton Obote returned to power with him and, alas, the massacres will long continue.

A fake hero, mentally disturbed, a world evil genius!

        
It is sad to recall today Idi Amin Dada was for many in his glory years, a hero of Africa, a champion of the Third World and the Arab cause, he was applauded by Blacks American radicals, he held in his arms Anwar Sadat and Muammar al-Qaddafi, Hafez el-Assad and Yasser Arafat. Although two leaders of the continent, Julius Nyerere in Tanzania (which dealt Amin "fascist black") and Kenneth Kaunda in Zambia (which was deemed "mentally disturbed"), saved their honor by refusing to attend the summit of the O.A.U. in Kampala in 1975, all the others were elected president of the organization and he became, as such, for a long year, the official spokesman of Africa. When in October 1975, Amin went to the United Nations, bedecked, his marshal's baton in his hand, and he has read his speech by one of his ministers because he refuses to speak English, "language of the imperialists", he is wildly applauded by the General Assembly. It must be remembered, too, he was courted by Moscow, Havana, and Beijing, for some time, Paris, who then dreamed of setting foot on land formerly British Africa. Georges Pompidou received kindly the tyrant at the Elysée Palace, and Jean Sauvagnargues, Minister of Foreign Affairs, invited him to lunch with Princess Bagaya. Paris agreed, at the request of Amin, censor few moments of the film was devoted filmmaker Barbet Schroeder, and we could see no cuts in London at the same time. If Amin, as was once said Mohamed Siyad Barre, is “ an authentic African child", then the rest of the world was also his evil genius.
_____________________________
*Based on the Article by Michel Faure published in French on 28/08/2003 under the title: Idi Amin or misfortune of Uganda.

mercredi 19 mars 2014

Côte d'Ivoire: Aniaba Louis-Jean and the ivorian delusions of grandeur!

 
Received as a king to Versailles, the court of the Sun King.

         Heir to the throne of Assinie (Côte d'Ivoire), son of Nana Aniaba Zena original withers, born about 1672. Hostage to the ruling dynasty, he was adopted by the king and queen of Essouma. In 1687, returning from a mission to explore the coast of Guinea, Ducasse, an emissary of King Louis XIV (France), in his report emphasizes the need for France to establish trading posts on the Gold Coast (Assinie commendo and Accra) which are established Capuchin missionaries of Saint-Malo for nearly sixty years. In 1701, King Louis XIV sent the Chevalier d'Amon, Captain (former Marine to serve the Guinea Company) to lead a second expedition. This concludes a treaty favorable to France who is authorized to build forts under the protection of King Zena. Pledge of allegiance, he left at Assinie four of his companions with some goods and a white flag planted at the edge of the sea and sailed Aniaba Banga, two young princes of the court sanitized. In May 1688, Aniaba landed at La Rochelle in France with his cousin Banga aboard the St. Louis. He is directly leads to Versailles, the court of the Sun King, Louis XIV. In 1690, he was received with full honors by the king, his confessor Bossuet, Cardinal de Nouilles, etc.. On August 1, 1691, Aniaba is baptized by the Bishop of Meaux in the chapel of the Seminary of Foreign Missions under the names Jean-Louis. He sponsors as Jean-Baptiste Lagny, intendant of commerce of France, adviser Secretary of Roy and his wife Mrs. Bidault. Under the responsibility of Bossuet, the two young Africans are educated nobly. They even admitted as officers in the king's regiment, load reserved for seniors and French noble families together with a pension of 12,000 pounds per year, paid out of the royal treasury. Their portraits are executed by an artist of Versailles and taken to Africa in 1692 by a Tibierge. In 1695, Banga is reduced to Assinie.

Ivorian dream or delusion: To be the equal of Louis XIV!

         Promoted to captain, Aniaba accumulates women, servants, horses and debts. On June 19, 1700, when he learned of the death of his father, Zena, King of Assinie, he decided to return to Africa to take the succession. Claude Chatelain reports that King Louis XIV told him sarcastically "Prince Aniaba, there is not any difference between you and me that black and white." In 1701, he sailed from La Rochelle on "Poli" with his white wife native to the coast of Antibes. Assinie and Bassam arrives before June 24, 1701 after a stopover in Port-Louis. After 13 years in France, he is safe to rule over Assinie with the support of France. Despite several attempts to ascend the throne, he falls to Akassiny and Captain Amon disowns and sign treaties with other rival. On 24 August 1701, the first Fort St. Louis was built. On September 23, 1701, the frigate, The Poli weighed anchor leaving Aniaba with delusions of grandeur. In 1703, the French Fort St. Louis subjected to isolation and difficulties with the Dutch left cleaned. Was no more talk of Aniaba at the court of the Sun King. Dutch travelers reported his presence as advisor to the alias of "Hannibal" with a king Queta in Togo. His trail stops there.
Historian Ivorian Henriette Diabaté* devoted a book entitled “
Aniaba, un Assainien à la cour de Louis XIV (Aniaba an Assainien the court of Louis XIV), Collection Grandes Figures Africanes, Paris, 1975.
_______________________________
Reference: Jean I.N. Kanyarwunga, Biographical Dictionary of Africans, www.Nouvelles Editions Numériques Africaines.


samedi 15 mars 2014

Madagascar: Hery Martial Rakotoarimanana Rajaonarimampianina is the second Malagasy head of state to have the longiest name in the country .


 
«Ny ranomasina no valamparihiko (The Sea is the limit of my rice field)»

         The real founder of the Kingdom of Imerina which means «The Country where we see far under the Sun », born about 1740 was named «Andrianamapoininimeiratasimitoviamitandrianapanjaka », or «The Lord of the heart of Imerina», because of his heart qualities and Knowledge. His name too long, his contrysides called him «Andrianampoinimerina» aka «Ramboasalama»  which means «The good healthy dog ».
It’s under his reign that the Kingdom of Imerina was divided into six provinces: the Avaradrano, the Vakinisisaony, the Marovatana, the Ambodirano, the Vonizongo, the Vakinankaratra. Antananarivo, the actual capital of Madagascar on the mount Analamanga and the Ambohimanga were royal properties and capitals. He married twelve women descendant of Imerina nobles families and reigns from 1787 to his death at 65 years in 1810. His long reign remained the most rich in the history of Imerina. His motto remained famous too «The Sea is the limit of  my rice field (Ny ranomasina no valamparihiko)»

He has the longiets name between the Heads of States of the World!

The New president of Madagascar, Hery Martial Rakotoarimanana Rajaonarimampianina born on Novembre 6, 1958 at Antsofonondry, in Anatnanarivo, has been elected on December 30, 2013. He has been invested president of the Republic of Madagascar on January 17, 2014.
After the longiest political crisis in Madagascar, will he have the longiest polical carreer of the Country after the socialist poorest long regime of Didier Ratsiraka from June 1975 to 2001?
Hery Martial Rakotoarimanana Rajaonarimampianina has made him into the record books as the head of state with the longest family name. His family name alone racks an impressive 19 caracters and nine syllabs. His fully name Hery Martial Rakotoarimanana Rajaonarimampianina totals 44 caracters.

It appears that a long name can be good for a carrer in politics!

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Source:  Jean I.N. Kanyarwunga, Biographical Dictionary of African, www.NENA, Dakar (French version).
                                                  










mercredi 5 mars 2014

Islam: Sex and Islam*

 

         The contradiction is striking between the myth of a prudish Islam and the reality of a religion that glorifies the act of love. An absolute right to the faithful in the eyes of the Prophet.
         The puritan Islam is inherently anti-sex and Muslims nature. Here's what came out of a survey of C.S.A. published in “Le Monde des religions” in January 2005 that 72% of French believe that the Qur'an represses sexuality (against 43% for Catholicism and Judaism 38%). But it turns out that the reality is the opposite of the prevalent ideas about the religion of Mohammed.

Sexuality in Islam.

          First of all, because if it is a people, a religion, a language where love has a prominent place, it is in the Arab-Muslim world. Not exist within sixty words to express the love, "as Eskimos have sixty words for snow" says the Tunisian filmmaker Nacer Khémir. This ranges from simple tilting (mawadda) the total transport (tatayyum), through the passion (ichq) or dying love (sababa). No one aspect, a detail, a characteristic of this feeling that Muslims have not studied: its symptoms, types, its states and its remedies.
         People loving essence, the Arabs have left their mark on the European courtly poetry of the Middle Ages and initiated the West the art of seduction and gallantry. In Ibn Hazm, Andalusian poet of the eleventh century like they believe that "love is not subject to dislike, or taboo, for religion".
Muslim tradition has it that whoever loves and dies of love is considered a martyr.

To Marry is to fulfill half of his religion!

         But love is not sex, it will say. Again, you are wrong, because Islam sexuality is a given for granted and an essential chapter in the life of the believer that imams taught at the foot of columns mosques whose faqihs took the defense as Al-Makhzumi, we saw clinging to curtains of the Kaaba in Mecca, and praying: "O my God, be merciful with lovers, softened the hearts of their beloved".

         In fact, the religion of Prophet considers that sexuality is an act of faith and pleasure an absolute right. Unlike Christianity, it condemns celibacy and states that "marriage is to fulfill half of his religion"
. Similarly it recognizes and magnifies the explicit pleasure. No sin weighs on sex, not even original sin, which does not exist in Islam: Allah does not charge Eve but the devil, and forgives the first couple of humanity.Therefore, no trace of pleasure banned, no chastity belts or padlock on female belly, much less desire indefinite retirement. Being recognized and praised for itself , enjoyment is not subject to procreation. If the sexual act leads to the latter: "Allah gives them [ the couple ] a child and the devil will do him no harm ever" (Al- Bukhari).

         Moreover, any sexual act generates a reward in the following tradition. The Prophet said: "There is a reward in sex than you".
His companions exclaimed: "Oh! Messenger of Allah, one of us has sated his desire and he is rewarded in this?". Mohammed replied: "If he had met in the haram [unlawful] would he not sinned? Thus, if it satisfies the halal [lawful], he gets this reward".

Caresses and preliminaries.

         The Prophet also entrusted to his disciples: "In your world, God made ​​me love women , perfume and prayer"
. And it is true that believers recommended beware the seductive power of women. "I did not let temptation would be worse for my community as represented by women for men", he saw no harm in what the loved. It is said that a man came to see him and said: "O Prophet, there was an orphan home sought in marriage by a poor and a rich suitor. She loves us first and second". Mohammed replied: "There is nothing decided for better lovers than to unite".
         Moreover, he loved to encourage and preliminary caresses , saying: "It is good that the believer plays with his wife before they report to increase his desire and to take as much pleasure as it". We told the Umayyad Caliph Omar Ibn Abdelaziz ( 682-720 ) that the Prophet would say: "Do not enter until it is not as much as you desire, so that you do not jouisses before her. Kiss her, let her winks, caress her, and when you see that she has reached the same level of desire as yours, enters her ". Finally, he recommended: "When one of you has something to do with his wife and he satisfies his desire, he did not press until assouvisse as her own."

 In contrast to an ascetic Christ, Mohammed is the perfect lover!

         In the imaginary Muslim, the Prophet is the perfect lover, not only because he knew honor women , but he was having a sexual power that it did, say, around all his other wives during the same night. Claim this power is an ambition of every true believer , but an idea that frustrates more faithful to the faltering manhood ... And , above all, shock Westerners, for whom the prophetic figure is, like Christ, ascetic by definition!
         With regard to women, they have many rights and duties , in accordance with the law "decency"
that must govern relations between spouses. Contrary to popular belief, Islam has never forbidden women pleasure. Rather, he considers bad believer who does not provide them. And allows those who are dissatisfied to seek divorce and get it. Wives forced into practices they disapprove can refer to the judge.          Thus, it is said that forced sodomy Muslim once came to see the qadi and overthrew their slippers, a gesture intended to refer this practice to seek justice.
         That's what sources of Islam. The practice, attitudes or modern times have made ​​the Muslim puritans and repressive towards their half is a reality that can not be denied either. But we must look for the reason other than the Koran or the Sunna.
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* Article of Fawzia Zouari. Tunisian journalist and writer, PhD in Comparative Literature, she published including "Ce Voile qui déchire la France (The veil, that tearing France)"
, Ramsey Editions, Paris, 2003.
- See his Biography and Bibliography in Kanyarwunga I.N. Jean, Biographical Dictionary of Africans, Nouvelles Editions Nouvelles Africaines (N.E.N.A.), Dakar.

mardi 4 mars 2014

South Africa : An ideal for which I am prepared to die !

 
Mandela made this statement from the dock at the opening of his trial on charges of sabotage, Supreme court of South Africa, Pretoria, April 20 1964.

I hope that life might offer me the opportunity to serve my people.

         I am the first accused. I hold a bachelor's degree in arts and practised as an attorney in Johannesburg for a number of years in partnership with Oliver Tambo. I am a convicted prisoner serving five years for leaving the country without a permit and for inciting people to go on strike at the end of May 1961.
         At the outset, I want to say that the suggestion that the struggle in South Africa is under the influence of foreigners or communists is wholly incorrect. I have done whatever I did because of my experience in South Africa and my own proudly felt African background, and not because of what any outsider might have said. In my youth in the Transkei I listened to the elders of my tribe telling stories of the old days. Amongst the tales they related to me were those of wars fought by our ancestors in defence of the fatherland. The names of Dingane and Bambata, Hintsa and Makana, Squngthi and Dalasile, Moshoeshoe and Sekhukhuni, were praised as the glory of the entire African nation. I hoped then that life might offer me the opportunity to serve my people and make my own humble contribution to their freedom struggle.
         Some of the things so far told to the court are true and some are untrue. I do not, however, deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of my people by the whites.

All lawful modes of expressing opposition to the White Supremacy had been closed !

         I admit immediately that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto we Sizwe. I deny that Umkhonto was responsible for a number of acts which clearly fell outside the policy of the organisation, and which have been charged in the indictment against us. I, and the others who started the organisation, felt that without violence there would be no way open to the African people to succeed in their struggle against the principle of white supremacy. All lawful modes of expressing opposition to this principle had been closed by legislation, and we were placed in a position in which we had either to accept a permanent state of inferiority, or to defy the government. We chose to defy the law.

We chose to defy the law.

         We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence.
         The African National Congress was formed in 1912 to defend the rights of the African people, which had been seriously curtailed. For 37 years - that is, until 1949 - it adhered strictly to a constitutional struggle. But white governments remained unmoved, and the rights of Africans became less instead of becoming greater. Even after 1949, the A.N.C. remained determined to avoid violence. At this time, however, the decision was taken to protest against apartheid by peaceful, but unlawful, demonstrations. More than 8,500 people went to jail. Yet there was not a single instance of violence. I and 19 colleagues were convicted for organising the campaign, but our sentences were suspended mainly because the judge found that discipline and non-violence had been stressed throughout.
         During the defiance campaign, the Public Safety Act and the Criminal Law Amendment Act were passed. These provided harsher penalties for protests against [the] laws. Despite this, the protests continued and the A.N.C. adhered to its policy of non-violence. In 1956, 156 leading members of the Congress Alliance, including myself, were arrested. The non-violent policy of the A.N.C. was put in issue by the state, but when the court gave judgment some five years later, it found that the ANC did not have a policy of violence.

We believed in the words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

         In 1960, there was the shooting at Sharpeville, which resulted in the declaration of the A.N.C. as an unlawful organisation. My colleagues man and I, after careful consideration, decided that we would not obey this decree. The African people were not part of the government and did not make the laws by which they were governed. We believed in the words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that "the will of the people shall be the basis of authority of the government", and for us to accept the banning was equivalent to accepting the silencing of the Africans for all time. The ANC refused to dissolve, but instead went underground.
         In 1960 the government held a referendum which led to the establishment of the republic. Africans, who constituted approximately 70% of the population, were not entitled to vote, and were not even consulted. I undertook to be responsible for organising the national stay-at-home called to coincide with the declaration of the republic. As all strikes by Africans are illegal, the person organising such a strike must avoid arrest. I had to leave my home and family and my practice and go into hiding to avoid arrest. The stay-at-home was to be a peaceful demonstration. Careful instructions were given to avoid any recourse to violence.
         The government's answer was to introduce new and harsher laws, to mobilise its armed forces, and to send Saracens, armed vehicles, and soldiers into the townships in a massive show of force designed to intimidate the people. The government had decided to rule by force alone, and this decision was a milestone on the road to Umkhonto. What were we, the leaders of our people, to do? We had no doubt that we had to continue the fight. Anything else would have been abject surrender. Our problem was not whether to fight, but was how to continue the fight.

We had always stood for a non-racial democracy.

         We of the A.N.C. had always stood for a non-racial democracy, and we shrank from any action which might drive the races further apart. But the hard facts were that 50 years of non-violence had brought the African people nothing but more and more repressive legislation, and fewer and fewer rights. By this time violence had, in fact, become a feature of the South African political scene.
         There had been violence in 1957 when the women of Zeerust were ordered to carry passes; there was violence in 1958 with the enforcement of cattle culling in Sekhukhuneland; there was violence in 1959 when the people of Cato Manor protested against pass raids; there was violence in 1960 when the government attempted to impose Bantu authorities in Pondoland. Each disturbance pointed to the inevitable growth among Africans of the belief that violence was the only way out - it showed that a government which uses force to maintain its rule teaches the oppressed to use force to oppose it.
         I came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be unrealistic to continue preaching peace and non-violence. This conclusion was not easily arrived at. It was only when all else had failed, when all channels of peaceful protest had been barred to us, that the decision was made to embark on violent forms of political struggle. I can only say that I felt morally obliged to do what I did.
Four forms of violence were possible. There is sabotage, there is guerrilla warfare, there is terrorism, and there is open revolution. We chose to adopt the first. Sabotage did not involve loss of life, and it offered the best hope for future race relations. Bitterness would be kept to a minimum and, if the policy bore fruit, democratic government could become a reality. The initial plan was based on a careful analysis of the political and economic situation of our country. We believed that South Africa depended to a large extent on foreign capital. We felt that planned destruction of power plants, and interference with rail and telephone communications, would scare away capital from the country, thus compelling the voters of the country to reconsider their position. Umkhonto had its first operation on December 16 1961, when government buildings in Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth and Durban were attacked. The selection of targets is proof of the policy to which I have referred. Had we intended to attack life we would have selected targets where people congregated and not empty buildings and power stations.

The Whites failed to respond by suggesting change...

         The whites failed to respond by suggesting change; they responded to our call by suggesting the laager. In contrast, the response of the Africans was one of encouragement. Suddenly there was hope again. People began to speculate on how soon freedom would be obtained.
         But we in Umkhonto weighed up the white response with anxiety. The lines were being drawn. The whites and blacks were moving into separate camps, and the prospects of avoiding a civil war were made less. The white newspapers carried reports that sabotage would be punished by death. If this was so, how could we continue to keep Africans away from terrorism?
         We felt it our duty to make preparations to use force in order to defend ourselves against force. We decided, therefore to make provision for the possibility of guerrilla warfare. All whites undergo compulsory military training, but no such training was given to Africans. It was in our view essential to build up a nucleus of trained men who would be able to provide the leadership which would be required if guerrilla warfare started.

All Africa was united against the stand of white South Africa.

         At this stage it was decided that I should attend the Conference of the Pan-African Freedom Movement which was to be held early in 1962 in Addis Ababa, and after the conference, I would undertake a tour of the African states with a view to obtaining facilities for the training of soldiers. My tour was a success. Wherever I went I met sympathy for our cause and promises of help. All Africa was united against the stand of white South Africa, and even in London I was received with great sympathy by political leaders, such as Mr Gaitskell and Mr Grimond.
         I started to make a study of the art of war and revolution and, whilst abroad, underwent a course in military training. If there was to be guerrilla warfare, I wanted to be able to stand and fight with my people and to share the hazards of war with them.

I wanted to be able to stand and fight with my people.

         On my return I found that there had been little alteration in the political scene save, that the threat of a death penalty for sabotage had now become a fact.
         Another of the allegations made by the state is that the aims and objects of the A.N.C. and the Communist party are the same. The creed of the A.N.C. is, and always has been, the creed of African nationalism. It is not the concept of African nationalism expressed in the cry, "Drive the white man into the sea." The African nationalism for which the A.N.C. stands is the concept of freedom and fulfilment for the African people in their own land. The most important political document ever adopted by the A.N.C. is the "freedom charter". It is by no means a blueprint for a socialist state. It calls for redistribution, but not nationalisation, of land; it provides for nationalisation of mines, banks, and monopoly industry, because big monopolies are owned by one race only, and without such nationalisation racial domination would be perpetuated despite the spread of political power. Under the freedom charter, nationalisation would take place in an economy based on private enterprise.
         As far as the Communist party is concerned, and if I understand its policy correctly, it stands for the establishment of a state based on the principles of Marxism. The Communist party sought to emphasise class distinctions whilst the ANC seeks to harmonise them. This is a vital distinction.
         It is true that there has often been close cooperation between the ANC and the Communist party. But cooperation is merely proof of a common goal - in this case the removal of white supremacy - and is not proof of a complete community of interests. The history of the world is full of similar examples. Perhaps the most striking is the cooperation between Great Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union in the fight against Hitler. Nobody but Hitler would have dared to suggest that such cooperation turned Churchill or Roosevelt into communists. Theoretical differences amongst those fighting against oppression is a luxury we cannot afford at this stage.
         What is more, for many decades communists were the only political group in South Africa prepared to treat Africans as human beings and their equals; who were prepared to eat with us; talk with us, live with us, and work with us. They were the only group which was prepared to work with the Africans for the attainment of political rights and a stake in society. Because of this, there are many Africans who, today, tend to equate freedom with communism. They are supported in this belief by a legislature which brands all exponents of democratic government and African freedom as communists and bans many of them (who are not communists) under the Suppression of Communism Act. Although I have never been a member of the Communist party, I myself have been imprisoned under that act.

I have always regarded myself, as an African patriot..

         I have always regarded myself, in the first place, as an African patriot. Today I am attracted by the idea of a classless society, an attraction which springs in part from Marxist reading and, in part, from my admiration of the structure of early African societies. The land belonged to the tribe. There were no rich or poor and there was no exploitation. We all accept the need for some form of socialism to enable our people to catch up with the advanced countries of this world and to overcome their legacy of extreme poverty. But this does not mean we are Marxists.
         I have gained the impression that communists regard the parliamentary system of the west as reactionary. But, on the contrary, I am an admirer. The Magna Carta, the Petition of Right, and the Bill of Rights are documents held in veneration by democrats throughout the world. I have great respect for British institutions, and for the country's system of justice. I regard the British parliament as the most democratic institution in the world, and the impartiality of its judiciary never fails to arouse my admiration. The American Congress, that country's separation of powers, as well as the independence of its judiciary, arouses in me similar sentiments.
         I have been influenced in my thinking by both west and east. I should tie myself to no particular system of society other than of socialism. I must leave myself free to borrow the best from the west and from the east.

Hallmark of South Africa : poverty and lack of human dignity.

         Our fight is against real, and not imaginary, hardships or, to use the language of the state prosecutor, "so-called hardships". Basically, we fight against two features which are the hallmarks of African life in South Africa and which are entrenched by legislation. These features are poverty and lack of human dignity, and we do not need communists or so-called "agitators" to teach us about these things. South Africa is the richest country in Africa, and could be one of the richest countries in the world. But it is a land of remarkable contrasts. The whites enjoy what may be the highest standard of living in the world, whilst Africans live in poverty and misery. Poverty goes hand in hand with malnutrition and disease. Tuberculosis, pellagra and scurvy bring death and destruction of health.
         The complaint of Africans, however, is not only that they are poor and the whites are rich, but that the laws which are made by the whites are designed to preserve this situation. There are two ways to break out of poverty. The first is by formal education, and the second is by the worker acquiring a greater skill at his work and thus higher wages. As far as Africans are concerned, both these avenues of advancement are deliberately curtailed by legislation.
         The government has always sought to hamper Africans in their search for education. There is compulsory education for all white children at virtually no cost to their parents, be they rich or poor. African children, however, generally have to pay more for their schooling than whites.
         Approximately 40% of African children in the age group seven to 14 do not attend school. For those who do, the standards are vastly different from those afforded to white children. Only 5,660 African children in the whole of South Africa passed their junior certificate in 1962, and only 362 passed matric.
         This is presumably consistent with the policy of Bantu education about which the present prime minister said: "When I have control of native education I will reform it so that natives will be taught from childhood to realise that equality with Europeans is not for them. People who believe in equality are not desirable teachers for natives. When my department controls native education it will know for what class of higher education a native is fitted, and whether he will have a chance in life to use his knowledge."

Death sentences cannot cure the festering sore.

         The other main obstacle to the advancement of the African is the industrial colour-bar under which all the better jobs of industry are reserved for whites only. Moreover, Africans who do obtain employment in the unskilled and semi-skilled occupations open to them are not allowed to form trade unions which have recognition. This means that they are denied the right of collective bargaining, which is permitted to the better-paid white workers.
         The government answers its critics by saying that Africans in South Africa are better off than the inhabitants of the other countries in Africa. I do not know whether this statement is true. But even if it is true, as far as the African people are concerned it is irrelevant.
         Our complaint is not that we are poor by comparison with people in other countries, but that we are poor by comparison with the white people in our own country, and that we are prevented by legislation from altering this imbalance.
         The lack of human dignity experienced by Africans is the direct result of the policy of white supremacy. White supremacy implies black inferiority. Legislation designed to preserve white supremacy entrenches this notion. Menial tasks in South Africa are invariably performed by Africans.
         When anything has to be carried or cleaned the white man will look around for an African to do it for him, whether the African is employed by him or not. Because of this sort of attitude, whites tend to regard Africans as a separate breed. They do not look upon them as people with families of their own; they do not realise that they have emotions - that they fall in love like white people do; that they want to be with their wives and children like white people want to be with theirs; that they want to earn enough money to support their families properly, to feed and clothe them and send them to school. And what "house-boy" or "garden-boy" or labourer can ever hope to do this?
         Pass laws render any African liable to police surveillance at any time. I doubt whether there is a single African male in South Africa who has not had a brush with the police over his pass. Hundreds and thousands of Africans are thrown into jail each year under pass laws.
         Even worse is the fact that pass laws keep husband and wife apart and lead to the breakdown of family life. Poverty and the breakdown of family have secondary effects. Children wander the streets because they have no schools to go to, or no money to enable them to go, or no parents at home to see that they go, because both parents (if there be two) have to work to keep the family alive. This leads to a breakdown in moral standards, to an alarming rise in illegitimacy, and to violence, which erupts not only politically, but everywhere. Life in the townships is dangerous. Not a day goes by without somebody being stabbed or assaulted. And violence is carried out of the townships [into] the white living areas. People are afraid to walk the streets after dark. Housebreakings and robberies are increasing, despite the fact that the death sentence can now be imposed for such offences. Death sentences cannot cure the festering sore.

Africans want to be paid a living wage.

         Africans want to be paid a living wage. Africans want to perform work which they are capable of doing, and not work which the government declares them to be capable of. Africans want to be allowed to live where they obtain work, and not be endorsed out of an area because they were not born there. Africans want to be allowed to own land in places where they work, and not to be obliged to live in rented houses which they can never call their own. Africans want to be part of the general population, and not confined to living in their own ghettoes.
         African men want to have their wives and children to live with them where they work, and not be forced into an unnatural existence in men's hostels. African women want to be with their menfolk and not be left permanently widowed in the reserves. Africans want to be allowed out after 11 o'clock at night and not to be confined to their rooms like little children. Africans want to be allowed to travel in their own country and to seek work where they want to and not where the labour bureau tells them to. Africans want a just share in the whole of South Africa; they want security and a stake in society.

This is a struggle for the right to live... an ideal for which I am prepared to die !

         Above all, we want equal political rights, because without them our disabilities will be permanent. I know this sounds revolutionary to the whites in this country, because the majority of voters will be Africans. This makes the white man fear democracy. But this fear cannot be allowed to stand in the way of the only solution which will guarantee racial harmony and freedom for all. It is not true that the enfranchisement of all will result in racial domination. Political division, based on colour, is entirely artificial and, when it disappears, so will the domination of one colour group by another. The A.N.C. has spent half a century fighting against racialism. When it triumphs it will not change that policy.
         This then is what the A.N.C. is fighting. Their struggle is a truly national one. It is a struggle of the African people, inspired by their own suffering and their own experience. It is a struggle for the right to live. During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.